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ACLU Reporter: Winter 2004
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What’s Inside
Director’s
“Message”
ACLU
More Relevant Than Ever
Legal
Update
Ways
to Support the ACLU of Utah
Opinion:
American Discrimination
Staff
Profiles
Director’s “Message”
by Dani Eyer
In November, voters sent a mixed “message” to elected officials;
every year the Utah State Legislature sends a “message” to
the citizens of Utah; and the current federal administration wants to
send a “message” to terrorists.
What are these messages and are their dispatchers aware that the messages
have a very real impact on real people?
• Sending a message to terrorists has resulted in thousands of innocent
people being questioned, detained, and deported, based not upon individual
suspicion or probable cause, but solely upon national origin, ethnicity,
or simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
• Defining marriage as between only a man and a woman—for
the third time in Utah law and as a state constitutional amendment—elected
officials say they are not discriminatory because the “legal incidents’
of marriage can be easily obtained. In other words, gay people can obtain
the protections of marriage one-by-one, piece-by-piece, but not easily,
not all at once, and sorry if this adversely affects your “family.”
We are “pro-family” but not, umm, when it comes to your family.
• Utah continues to pass impermissible laws limiting reproductive
choice regardless of previous court rulings and millions of dollars wasted
in legal battles. In the last legislative session, a ban on a common abortion
procedure was passed, mirroring a federal ban that has now been struck
down in all three federal courts where it has been challenged. And a law
prohibiting public funding of abortion had to be altered within weeks
of taking effect because its application resulted in a so-called “unintended
consequence,” when an actual woman who sought to terminate her pregnancy
because of grave fetal defects could not do so at a local hospital.
• Utahns try to send a “tough on crime” message and,
as a result, we must build even more facilities for the incarcerated,
most of whom are in prison for non-violent drug-related offenses. Meanwhile,
we cannot afford the cost of a bi-partisan drug reform program that in
the long run is cost-efficient and would actually lower recidivism.
• In Utah there are many laws still on the books that have been
declared by courts to be unconstitutional. In a brief submitted to the
U.S. Supreme Court, our Attorney General argued that it was important
to keep unenforceable laws on the books for their “significant pedagogical
value.” What exactly does an illegal law teach us? That the promulgators
wish there were such a law, even if they’ve been declared contrary
to constitution? What kind of notice does the public receive from an unenforceable
law?
My message is: let’s continue to work toward an America we can honor.
Detentions not based upon ethnicity or national origin, but instead upon
actual individualized suspicion and due process of the law; equal protection
of the laws for everyone; personal choice in matters of deeply held beliefs;
and laws on books that are not unconstitutional or discriminatory.
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ACLU More Relevant Than
Ever
Now is a particularly challenging time for civil libertarians —the
results of last month’s elections mean four more years of a presidential
administration that has shown little more than hostility toward fundamental
American values like free speech, due process, privacy, and equal protection
of the laws. Even with the recent resignation of Attorney General John
Ashcroft—a lead promoter of the PATRIOT Act and other policies that
seek to grant extraordinary new law enforcement powers to federal and
local governments—organizations like the ACLU will be more important
than ever. Over the past three years, the national ACLU and its state
affiliates have creatively and persistently worked to ensure that the
president and his administration not go unchallenged in their efforts
to use the war against terrorism as an excuse for weakening our constitutional
protections. As civil libertarians gear up for a second round of the Bush
administration, a review of the ACLU’s work related to the government’s
response to 9/11 might provide us with the perspective and optimism we
need to continue fighting for a country that is both safe and free.
Working on all fronts
From appeals before the secret FISA court to a United Nations’ working
group, from direct challenges to unconstitutional policies to Freedom
of Information Act (FOIA) requests, the ACLU has been advocating for a
fair and just America in a variety of forums. Because the government has
remained incredibly secretive about how it is conducting its terrorist
investigations, our legal work has been uniquely challenging. While not
comprehensive, the following list describes some of our post-9/11 civil
liberties work, much of which has been a coalition effort.
The ACLU has:
• Challenged the federal government’s refusal to disclose
basic information about immigrants who are being indefinitely detained
on non-criminal immigration violations.
• Sought information about government surveillance of college professors
and students.
• Challenged the constitutionality of Section 215 of the PATRIOT
Act, a controversial measure that makes it easier for federal law enforcement
agencies to engage in domestic spying by giving them the power to subpoena
third party record holders—businesses, persons, or other entities
that compile personal information—for “any tangible thing”
they believe will aid a terror-related investigation. Under this statute,
law enforcement can obtain customer records, library check-out lists,
medical records, etc., without an individual target or probable cause.
• Challenged a Department of Justice (DOJ) policy that grants city
and county law enforcement unprecedented powers to enforce non-criminal
immigration laws.
•Filed the first nationwide class-action challenge to the government’s
“no-fly” list. Compiled by the Transportation Security Administration
(TSA), the list is distributed to all airlines with instructions to stop
or conduct extra searches of people suspected of being threats to aviation.
TSA has not disclosed the basis for one’s inclusion on the list
or the process for removing one’s name from the list of suspects.
• Filed FOIA requests in multiple states, including Utah, to find
out information about the MATRIX, a controversial database that combines
confidential information from local and state agencies.
• Filed a friend-of-the-court brief before a secret appeals court,
urging it to reject the DOJ’s attempts to broadly expand powers
to spy on U.S. citizens. The lawsuit was the first of its kind.
• Advocated on behalf of a Fresno, California peace group that had
been infiltrated by a member of the Fresno County Sheriff’s Department’s
anti-terrorism team, despite the fact that there was no specific suspicion
of criminal activity.
• Challenged a government policy that closed the immigration hearings
of people detained after 9/11 to media representatives and other members
of the public, including relatives of the detainees. In April 2004, the
Department of Homeland Security released new guidelines that rejected
the DOJ’s blanket ban and stated that the closing of immigration
hearings to the press and public would only be done on a case-by-case
basis.
• Filed a FOIA lawsuit, the first of its kind, challenging the Department
of Defense and other government agencies with illegally withholding records
concerning the abuse of detainees in United States military custody in
foreign countries.
• Represented Arab Americans who were discriminated against by airline
companies.
• Challenged the citizenship requirement for continued employment
that was imposed on airport screeners at the Los Angeles and San Francisco
International Airports.
• Submitted its first-ever official complaint to the United Nations
Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. The submission was on behalf of
thirteen immigrants imprisoned and deported from the country after 9/11.
• Filed more than a dozen lawsuits challenging the government’s
unconstitutional restrictions on the free speech rights of anti-war protesters
and other demonstrators.
• Filed a friend-of-the-court brief on behalf of a Jordanian-born
college student who, for eighty-three days, was held on a material witness
warrant, often shackled and in solitary confinement, without being charged
with a crime.
• Filed a racial profiling lawsuit against the TSA on behalf of
a Florida physician who was detained for hours by federal air marshals
because they did not “like the way he looked.” As a result
of the lawsuit, the TSA substantially altered its policies and training
procedures to prevent its marshals from subjecting passengers to arrests
solely because of their race or ethnicity.
Important court decisions
The work of the ACLU and others has resulted in some important court decisions
limiting the power of the federal government. Three decisions, all from
this year, are of particular note:
Doe and ACLU v. Ashcroft
Stating that “democracy abhors undue secrecy,” on September
29, a New York federal court struck down Section 505 of the PATRIOT Act
on grounds that it violates free speech rights under the First Amendment
as well as the right to be free from unreasonable searches under the Fourth
Amendment. Section 505 allows the government to issue “National
Security Letters’ to obtain sensitive customer records from Internet
Service Providers and other businesses without judicial oversight. In
addition, Section 505 prohibits recipients of these letters from ever
disclosing the fact that information was sought—a gag order that
the court found to be an “unconstitutional prior restraint”
on speech. Filed under seal to avoid penalties for violating the statute,
the ACLU and its New York affiliate labored under a broad gag order under
which the government sought at every turn to censor even the most innocuous,
non-sensitive information about the case. The September ruling, which
is the first to strike down any of the vast new surveillance powers authorized
by the PATRIOT Act, enjoins the government from issuing National Security
Letters or from enforcing the gag provision. The judge stayed his ruling
for ninety days in order to give the government an opportunity to raise
objections in the district court or in the Second Circuit Court of Appeals.
Rasul v. Bush and Al Odah v. United States
On June 28, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled six-to-three that prisoners seized
as potential terrorists and held for more than two years at the United
States’ military prison camp in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba may
challenge their captivity in American courts. A federal appeals court
in Washington, D.C. had previously ruled that the Guantánamo camps
were part of the “sovereign territory of Cuba” and thus outside
the jurisdiction of U.S. laws. The ACLU was part of a broad-based coalition
that filed a friend-of-the-court brief supporting an appeal of the federal
court’s decision in two related lawsuits filed last year by relatives
of sixteen Guantánamo detainees who argued that their continued
detention without any legal process violated the government’s constitutional
and treaty obligations. The ACLU and the other authors of the brief took
no position as to what process is due the prisoners, but argued that the
Due Process Clause and the Geneva Conventions require the U.S. courts
to ensure some kind of process. As a result of the Supreme Court’s
decision, the Guantánamo detainees will now have the right to press
their claim of unlawful detention in the lower courts.
Hamdi v. Rumsfeld
Also on June 28, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled eight-to-one that Yaser
Hamdi, an American citizen held as an uncharged “enemy combatant,”
is entitled to a court hearing in which he could challenge his detention.
President Bush designated Hamdi as an enemy combatant after he was captured
with Taliban fighters in Afghanistan in late 2001. For more than two years,
Hamdi was held in military brigs, first in Virginia and then in South
Carolina, without charges or a trial and, until recently, without access
to legal counsel. The government’s position was that it could confine
Hamdi in this condition indefinitely so long as it presented “some
evidence,” not subject to cross-examination or rebuttal, supporting
the enemy combatant designation. In a friend-of-the-court brief, the ACLU
argued that arbitrary executive detention has been seen as inconsistent
with the rule of law since at least the Magna Carta. Hamdi has since been
released and flown to Saudi Arabia. He was never charged with a crime.
Fairness and justice for all
The ACLU will be as active during the Bush administration’s second
term as it has been in the first, working to ensure that our country remains
dedicated to its founding principles of fairness and justice for all.
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Legal Update
Girl is able to participate in Spanish Fork
wrestling tournament
For the second time in less than a year, the American Civil Liberties
Union of Utah resolved a dispute involving a girl’s right to participate
in a city-sponsored wrestling tournament. On November 18, the ACLU of
Utah received written confirmation from Spanish Fork City attorney S.
Junior Baker that Candace Workman, a 14-year-old middle school student
from Vernal, Utah, will be able to wrestle in the city’s December
4 tournament.
In late October, Candace and her family contacted the ACLU of Utah after
learning that she would not be allowed to register in one of the tournament’s
boys’ divisions, despite the fact that there were no other registrants
in the newly created girls’ division. Candace, who has wrestled
competitively for seven years and has successfully participated in the
Spanish Fork tournament in the past, could not understand why she was
in effect being excluded from the event.
The ACLU of Utah wrote Spanish Fork City on behalf of Candace, noting
that the city’s actions were in violation of the Constitution’s
equal protection clause and possibly of Title IX, the federal statute
prohibiting sex discrimination by any educational institution receiving
federal funds. The Spanish Fork City Council considered the issue at its
November 16 meeting and decided to rescind its discriminatory policy.
When told of the council’s decision, Candace was excited that she
would once again have the opportunity to compete in the Spanish Fork tournament.
“I want to go down there and show them I’m just as good as
the boys,” she told The Salt Lake Tribune in a November 19 article.
“It was wrong of them to try and exclude me like that.” A
two-time national championship winner, Candace has trained with the women’s
Olympic wrestling team and hopes to be a member of the United States Olympic
team in the future.
Almost a year ago, the ACLU of Utah received a similar complaint when
it was contacted by two Utah County families whose daughters, ages six
and eight, were prohibited from participating in a private invitational
wrestling tournament held by the Orem Grapplers. Tournament organizers
invited city-sponsored wrestling teams from Orem, Provo, Santaquin, Springville,
Spanish Fork, and Payson, yet when the teams registered for the event,
the girl wrestlers were told they could not compete.
Draper repeals unconstitutional campaign
sign ordinance
In a settlement agreement filed in federal court on October 22, Draper
City agreed to repeal an ordinance that the American Civil Liberties Union
of Utah claimed unconstitutionally restricted residents’ political
speech by limiting the posting of political signs on private property.
As part of the agreement, the Draper City attorney wrote to city attorneys
in all other cities in Salt Lake County suggesting they review and repeal
similar ordinances. The city also agreed to pay the plaintiffs’
attorney fees and court costs.
The settlement agreement ended a federal lawsuit brought by the ACLU of
Utah and cooperating civil rights attorney Brian Barnard on behalf Robert
Latham, Heather Rice, and political candidate Ken Larsen, who wanted to
display political signs in Draper.
Latham and Rice wished to display campaign signs in yards more than thirty
days prior to Election Day, an action expressly prohibited by the Draper
ordinance unless the signs were left over from a primary election. Larsen,
running for governor under the People’s Choice Party, was prohibited
from posting signs before October 3, whereas under Draper’s ordinance,
signs supporting the Republican candidate were allowed any time after
May 22, thirty days prior to the Republican primary election.
In a complaint filed on September 14 in federal court, the ACLU of Utah
and Barnard argued that by placing durational time limits on political
campaign signs, the ordinance prohibited Draper residents from engaging
in otherwise lawful and protected political expression. The suit also
claimed a discriminatory classification of candidates based on participation
in a primary election. Two days after the suit was filed, Draper City
agreed not to enforce the ordinance before Election Day on November 2.
For a complete list of our cases, legal advocacy efforts, and legal briefs,
please see see our website.
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Ways to Support the
ACLU of Utah
Gift Donations
Give a “Gift of Freedom.” We now have attractively designed
gift cards available for those who would like to give donations or memberships
to the ACLU of Utah in the name of a family member or friend. Just send
us a check for the total donation and a list of names and how much to
put on each card and we will send you the completed cards that you can
then give to your list. Memberships start at $20 and are not tax-deductible.
Donations can be in any amount and are tax-deductible. For more information,
please call Reinard Knutsen at (801) 521-9862 ext. 101 or email aclu@acluutah.org.
Gifts of Stock
By giving appreciated securities held for one year or more, you can deduct
the full market value of your stock, saving income taxes and capital gains
taxes on the appreciation. For more information about gifts of stock,
contact Carol Gnade at (801) 598-7899 or by email at carolg46@msn.com.
In addition, you can contact Mark Quayle from Quayle Assets Management
who is the broker who oversees our Schwab Account (SK2180-9009.) Mark
can be reached at (801) 533-9581.
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The ACLU of Utah Activist
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To subscribe to the email newsletter please visit our web
site.
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Opinion: American
Discrimination
by John Ditzler
When President Bush proposed a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage
last February, I felt personally injured. I was appalled to see a president
of the United States leading the movement to build discrimination right
into the constitution.
I had been raised in a very conservative house where I was brought up
to revere the constitution and the President as defenders of democracy
and justice.
I also come from a strong military family with a rich heritage of military
service in just about every war all the way back to the Revolutionary.
I felt ashamed as the freedom they fought and died for in behalf of all
Americans, was now being stripped away from gay Americans. My ancestor
veterans deserve better than this, I thought.
And I could not reconcile it with the Christian beliefs my mother had
instilled in me from childhood. “Jesus preached unconditional love
for everyone,” she would tell me, “and commanded us to judge
no one.” Discriminating against gays seemed blatantly unchristian
to me.
I wondered why I was so personally hurt by President Bush’s remarks,
and by the support he had among so many of my fellow Americans. After
all I wasn’t gay. I was still going be able to fall in love some
day and get married. It was no skin off my back.
As I was thinking about these things I wandered past a picture of Abraham
Lincoln in my living room. I realized, you don’t have to be black
to care about slavery and civil rights. You don’t have to be a woman
to believe they were entitled to the right to vote. And you don’t
have to be gay to stand up against bigotry and discrimination directed
at homosexuals.
Like all minorities, homosexuals are incumbent upon citizens of the majority
with conscience to lend their voice of support and stand beside them in
the fight for respect and human dignity that no group should ever have
to fight for in the first place.
I agree with a wise man who once said any great civilization being judged
by future generations will be judged by the level of compassion it displayed
towards its most powerless citizens. I hope when future generations look
back on America they will remember us for a great many things. I think
that they will. But I also think future generations, perhaps as soon as
our own children’s generation, will look back on us with incredulity
and condemnation when they can’t believe just a few decades prior
their parents were even debating this topic. Just as we today cannot believe
that in our own parent’s and grandparent’s generation people
argued blacks could not marry whites.
The great socio-political civil rights battles of the 1960’s and
70’s are not over. I believe in our time homosexuals are fighting
their own historic civil rights battle. The Emmitt Tills of yesterday
are the Matthew Shepards of today. No one should ever have to fear for
their life or their safety just because they are different. Yet gays have
too often been the targets of vicious physical violence. No minority should
be made to feel subhuman. Yet the level to which we demean homosexuals
today is almost unfathomable. Perhaps the only thing more deplorable is
the lack of recognition in most people’s minds that it’s even
being done.
The vilification of gays is so ingrained in our minds that we can’t
even trust them with the raising and nurturing of children, they are not
good enough to fight and die in the service of the country that they love
but that never loved them back, and are not even allowed to sanctify the
one trait that perhaps makes us all human—their love.
John Ditzler is a junior at Utah Valley State College where he is the
Opinions Editor of the College Times and the Vice President and co-founder
of the Gender Studies Club.
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Staff Profiles
Executive Director Dani Eyer was a high school social studies teacher,
lawyer, and independent bookseller before joining the ACLU of Utah. She
began her affiliation with the organization as a legal research volunteer
during the week of 9/11, and a year later, became the ACLU of Utah’s
sixth Executive Director. She enjoys telemark skiing, mountain biking,
reading, traveling with her extended family, and talking with her interesting
kids and husband.
Part-time Development Director Carol Gnade began volunteering at the ACLU
of Utah in 1991 after she moved to Salt Lake City from Madison, Wisconsin.
She became the affiliate’s Executive Director less than one year
later and held that position for more than ten years. During her tenure
at the ACLU of Utah, six grandkids joined her life. Carol has a lifelong
interest in nonprofit organizations, civil liberties, and people.
Part-time Office Manager Reinard Knutsen grew up in Malaysia, where his
family lived in a religious commune. After barely graduating high school
and pursuing an early career in restaurant management, Reinard became
active in homeless rights, social justice, peace, and anti-nuclear movements
during the Reagan era. He has been arrested more than thirty times, largely
because of his involvement in protests against nuclear testing in Nevada.
He came to the ACLU in December 2002 after fifteen years of working for
small environmental nonprofits. One year ago, he and his wife had a baby
girl.
Part-time Special Projects Coordinator Stephanie Peterson started working
as an ACLU of Utah volunteer during the 2003 legislative session and joined
the organization as a paid staff member in August 2003. She has a diverse
employment history: she spent five years managing the Bennion Center’s
Service Learning Project, was the Director of Community Affairs for Mayor
Palmer DePaulis, and in the 1980s, developed Neighborhood Housing Services
programs around the country. She’s a travel fanatic and spends most
summers with her husband in Greece.
Staff Attorney Margaret Plane graduated from the University of Utah Law
School in 2002 and then spent one year as a clerk for Judge Pamela Greenwood
in the Utah Court of Appeals. She went to law school after doing post-graduate
work in Germany and receiving a master’s degree in philosophy. She
appreciates the ACLU’s principled positions and loves living so
close to great skiing. She spends her free time enjoying the mountains,
often with her husband and dog.
Part-time Communications Director Cori Sutherland joined the ACLU of Utah
in January 1997. She worked at the organization for six years, during
which time she lived out the dream of many former teenage misfits by being
part of a lawsuit against her high school. In January 2003, she took off
to live in Spain for eight months. After a brief hiatus from the ACLU
of Utah, she is very happy to be back at the organization she has grown
to love.
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