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ACLU Outlines the Legal Problems with the Main Street
Reservation of Easement
May 26, 1999
Hand Delivered
Roger F. Cutler, Esq.
City Attorney
Salt Lake City Corporation
451 South State Street
Salt Lake City, Utah 84111
Re: Salt Lake City Ordinance No. 28 of 1999
Dear Mr. Cutler:
Thank you for your letter of May 17, 1999. I write in an effort to continue the dialogue on what I hope
you and the leaders of our city now recognize as a significant legal and public policy matter.
The ACLU appreciates your effort to clarify the factual background of this transaction. One
unfortunate aspect of the transaction is the less than transparent fashion in which it was developed
and presented to the public. Your letter sheds some light on the subject; we can only hope the City
will shed additional light and disclose the process by which it agreed to sell not only the street but
also the public’s constitutional rights. In any event, for present purposes I accept your
representation that "the City Council knew, understood and acquiesced in the terms of the limited
public easement," and I will attempt to present the analysis underlying the ACLU’s conclusion that
the City Council thereby violated the United States Constitution.
Allow me first to address a couple of your factual assertions, hoping to correct some
misimpressions as to what is and what is not at issue here. First and foremost, the City’s authority
to close or sell a public street, generally or in this specific instance, is not at issue. For that
reason, much of your discussion of the factual background of the transaction (and your attached
list of prior closures and sales) is irrelevant and immaterial. Similarly, the value the City received for
this property is not at issue. Indeed, the City’s repeatedly emphasizing the money received is
deeply disconcerting, since it suggests the City believes it can sell the public’s constitutional rights
to the highest bidder. It is, of course, impossible to place a monetary value on those rights. Let us
therefore focus on relevant, material facts and not attempt to reduce the discussion to one of
dollars and cents.
As a point of departure, I believe we both agree that, at least until it was sold to the LDS Church,
this block of Main Street was a traditional public forum, as defined by Supreme Court
jurisprudence.1 I believe we also agree (although you skirt the issue) that the restrictions to which
the City agreed would never be upheld as constitutional regulations of a traditional public forum if
directly imposed by the City on public property. Besides being unconstitutionally vague, the
restrictions are obviously content-based, and are neither "necessary to serve a compelling state
interest" nor "narrowly drawn to achieve that end," as required by Perry Educ. Ass’n v. Perry Local
Educators’ Ass’n, 460 U.S. 37, 45 (1983), and progeny.2 The principal issue is therefore whether
the property continues, notwithstanding the sale, to have a public nature such that the private
landowner is essentially engaged in state action, and therefore subject to constitutional
constraints, to the extent it purports to restrict the public’s right of access.3
As you correctly observe, any consideration of this issue "would necessarily be based upon the
particular facts involved." As I read the case law, however, very few if any of the facts you
emphasize in your letter are relevant to that inquiry. In addition to the irrelevant and immaterial facts
discussed above, you seem to place principal reliance on the fact that the Reservation of Easement
itself contains a recitation that it shall not "be deemed to create or constitute a public forum, limited
or otherwise, on the property." I have not seen a single case, nor do you cite to any, where this
type of recitation is virtually dispositive, as you suggest. To the contrary, the cases I have seen
routinely ignore such recitations. See, e.g., Venetian Casino Resort, L.L.C. v. Local Joint Executive
Board of Las Vegas, 1999 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 6235 (D. Nev., April 27, 1999) (agreement between
government and private buyer expressly granted the buyer "full rights inherent to the ownership of
private property to the full extent permitted by the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment[s] to the United
States Constitution," and further asserted that government was not taking any state action as to
the redeveloped property; nevertheless, court had no problem finding, based on the actual facts,
that the public continued to enjoy constitutional protections on the property). It would be surprising
if courts were to do otherwise. The property either continues or does not continue to partake of a
public nature, and the buyer either engages in or does not engage in a traditional state function to
the extent it seeks to restrict access to the property – regardless of the self-serving recitations of
the parties. To hold otherwise would be to give the government the ability to override the
Constitution by simple declarative fiat.
Rather than basing their decisions on the kinds of irrelevant, immaterial and constitutionally
offensive facts you emphasize, courts addressing this issue tend to focus on such things as the
historic nature and use of the property; the degree to which that historic use and nature are
changed by the sale and redevelopment of the property; the degree to which the redeveloped
property is physically set off and distinguished from the surrounding public property; the nature and
extent of continued public access; and whether the government specifically reserves an easement
for public access.
Here, as discussed above, there should be no dispute that this central block of Main Street always
has been a traditional public forum. As Professor Epperson stated at the April 13, 1999 public
hearing on this matter, the City’s founders considered, and rejected, a plan to include this particular
property in a large, 40-acre church "campus." From that time forward, including during the
construction of the LDS Temple, this block of Main Street has been a public thoroughfare, and as
such has borne substantial traffic in ideas as well as in pedestrians and vehicles. As I understand
it, that fundamental characteristic of this block has now been changed only to the extent that
vehicular traffic will no longer be allowed; the City vigorously, and properly (in the ACLU’s view),
insisted that the block remain open as a pedestrian thoroughfare. While it will now feature certain
improvements, it will still serve as an important conduit in the pedestrian commerce of our City.
Indeed, the City specifically prohibited the erection of "any perimeter fences or gates on the
Property along the North Temple and South Temple rights of way," thus ensuring that pedestrians
will be unencumbered in their passage from the contiguous public streets and sidewalks.4 And, of
course, the City also insisted that the property continue to be "available for such pedestrian access
and passage at all times, both day and night."
Given the above facts, the property here is indistinguishable from the Faneuil Hall marketplace in
Boston (see Citizens to End Animal Suffering and Exploitation, Inc. v. Faneuil Hall Marketplace,
Inc., 745 F. Supp. 65 (D. Mass. 1990); the sidewalks surrounding the Colorado Rockies baseball
stadium (see Lewis v. Colorado Rockies Baseball Club, Ltd., 941 P.2d 266 (Col. 1997); and the
sidewalk in front of the new Venetian Casino in Las Vegas (see Venetian Casino Resort, supra) –
each of which the courts found to be subject to constitutional protections. On the other hand, it is
entirely distinguishable from public passageways within private shopping centers or public airports,
or public sidewalks whose only purpose is to provide access to public buildings – the type of
property involved in each of the cases on which the City apparently, but mistakenly, relies.
Accordingly, the ACLU is confident that the courts, if presented with the issue, will conclude that to
the extent the new owner seeks to restrict the public’s right of access to this block of Main Street it
must do so subject to constitutional protections, and that the City has acted unconstitutionally to
the extent it has agreed otherwise.
At your invitation, I also wish to amplify the analysis underlying what I believe to be a separate, but
equally egregious, constitutional violation inherent in the transaction. That violation arises because
the function of enforcing the restrictions on the public’s right of access and passage – deciding who
will be allowed to remain and who will be arrested for criminal trespass – rests not with the City but
with the LDS Church. The Supreme Court has held that the delegation of "a power ordinarily vested
in agencies of government" to a religious institution creates a "substantial[] breach" in the wall that
separates the church from the state. See Larkin v. Grendel’s Den, Inc., 459 U.S. 116, 122-23
(1982). As in Grendel’s Den, the LDS Church’s power here is "standardless, calling for no reasons,
findings or reasoned conclusions" to support what could amount to a permanent banishment from
this property; moreover, that power not only could but undoubtedly will "be employed for explicitly
religious goals" – to ensure that only LDS-approved messages will be heard. Id. at 125. Without
question this creates what the Supreme Court called "a significant symbolic [as well as actual]
benefit to religion in the minds of some by reason of the power conferred." Id. at 125-26. The
Reservation of Easement "thus enmeshes churches in the processes of government and creates
the danger of ‘[political] fragmentation and divisiveness along religious lines,’" see id. at 127 – an
unfortunate consequence that has already manifested itself in our community.5
Finally, the Reservation of Easement also violates the Equal Protection Clause. The Reservation of
Easement purports to prohibit the public generally from engaging in otherwise lawful activities
including, among other things, the distribution of literature and the promulgation of "spoken
messages." At the same time, it purports to allow one specific segment of the public – the LDS
Church and its representatives – to engage in that very conduct. Assume, for purposes of
argument, that two members of the public – one a member of the LDS church and one a Jehovah’s
Witness – are present on the property pursuant to the same public right of access guaranteed by
the Reservation of Easement. The restrictions virtually ensure that these two people will be treated
very differently based solely on the content of the literature they seek to distribute or the message
they seek to convey. Even if the property is somehow found not to constitute a public forum subject
to full First Amendment protection, the disparate treatment of the two hypothetical easement users
must be rationally related to a legitimate governmental purpose. Here, as in an analogous case
successfully litigated by the ACLU, no such rational relationship exists. See ACLU of Nevada v.
City of Las Vegas, 13 F. Supp. 2d 1064, 1078-79 (D. Nev. 1999).
Mr. Cutler, the City obviously must decide how best to address these difficult issues; they will not
go away by themselves, and the ACLU will continue to press them by whatever means necessary.
Your acknowledgment that judicial consideration of the issues raised in any well-pleaded complaint
would necessarily be based on the unique facts tells me that you understand, correctly, that a
motion to dismiss by the City would not be granted, and the City would face expensive,
time-consuming discovery aimed at supporting a motion for summary judgment if this matter
cannot be resolved out of court. I would urge you to keep that in mind and to so advise your clients
before disregarding the ACLU’s serious concerns about the City’s conduct.
I am willing to sit down with you and Mr. Mascaro at a mutually convenient time to discuss the
issues as well as the City’s and the LDS Church’s interests and concerns. Our collective goal
should be to see whether a set of reasonable, constitutionally permissible, neutral regulations can
be identified. We at the ACLU sincerely believe that would be the best way to resolve this situation,
and we sincerely hope we will not be forced to resort instead to litigation.
I look forward to your favorable response to this initiative.
Very truly yours,
Stephen C. Clark
cc: Mayor Deedee Corradini
Salt Lake City Council
Mark Mascaro, Esq.
Read our May 5, 1999 letter that we sent on this issue.
Endnotes:
1. You assert, in passing, that "this property has seldom been used for parades, protests, or any
other free speech activities." I do not believe this is a correct factual statement, nor am I sure what
point you are trying to make, but in any event I do not believe you intend to argue that this block of
Main Street never was a traditional public forum.
2. Because we are dealing here with a content-based restriction, the availability of what you call
"alternate free speech forums" is likewise irrelevant. See Perry, 460 U.S. at 37. More importantly,
your reference to the loss of this block of Main Street as a "de minimis deduction" from the public’s
"inventory" of First Amendment public fora is another example of an attitude that I sincerely hope
does not reflect the City administration’s true perception of the value of the public’s constitutional
rights.
3. We agree that the Constitution does not generally apply to purely private conduct. See Hudgens
v. N.L.R.B., 424 U.S. 507 (1976). There are, however, exceptions to this principle. One occurs
where a private actor is performing a function that has traditionally been exclusively performed by
the state. See Flagg Bros. v. Brooks, 436 U.S. 149, 156-59 (1978). For example, in Marsh v.
Alabama, 326 U.S. 501 (1946), a private company owned an entire town, performing all of the usual
municipal functions and controlling all the buildings and sidewalks. Id. at 502-03. The Court
nevertheless held the private owner to constitutional standards. Id. at 508. Thus, to the extent you
contend that the transfer of this property from public to private hands automatically terminates the
public’s constitutional rights, that is simply incorrect, whether or not the City reserved an
easement. The fact that the City reserved an easement for public access only bolsters the case for
constitutional protection.
4. Incidentally, this important restriction belies the City’s argument that this block of Main Street is
now purely private property with which the landowner can do whatever it wishes. Indeed, it is ironic
at best that the City would prohibit physical walls and fences but allow walls and fences around the
public’s constitutional rights.
5. I will let pass your gratuitous personal observations, except to note that given the restrictions
and the manner in which they were developed (secretly), presented (as fait d’accompli) and
approved (along religious lines), one might reasonably argue that it is the City Administration that is
guilty of what you call "religious bigotry."
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